Women’s Leadership in Jordan: Where Does the Gap Lie?
This policy brief addresses the barriers to women’s political participation and leadership, particularly in addressing gender inequality in leadership roles. It provides recommendations for government institutions, civil society organizations, and political parties to reduce the gender gap and promote women’s active engagement in political leadership at local and national levels. The brief is an outcome of the Youth Civic and Political Participation Policy Lab, organized by the Arab Renaissance and Democracy Organization (ARDD) in partnership with the Center for Strategic Studies at the University of Jordan, as part of the New Generation Program. It highlights the sixth session of the lab, titled “Women’s Leadership in Jordan: Where Does the Gap Lie” and what twenty participants from political science and law students from the University of Jordan discussed in this regard. Following the lab’s work methodology, the session featured first-hand testimonies from Dr. Abla Abu Ulba, politician and First Secretary of the Jordanian People’s Democratic Party and it was moderated by Dr. Amani Al-Sarhan, Associate Professor at the Center for Women’s Studies at the University of Jordan.
Western Aid Cooperation in Meltdown Radical Change Required- After Critical Self-Reflection
The international aid sector is in shock. The suspension of all, and subsequent cancellation of many, USAID contracts, and the dismissal of most of its staff, has an immediate impact on millions of people and thousands of aid-funded organisations, UN and international and local/national NGOs, but also government institutions running programmes with US funding. The brusqueness and brutality of it (Musk has called USAID ‘a criminal organisation) tend to obscure that European aid donors have been, and continue cutting, their aid budgets for some time now, while USAID maintained its level until the new MAGA administration took over this year. It is the cumulative impact of budget cuts of the main Western aid-donors that is now biting deep. The aid sector is responding with pleas and arguments to the Western donor governments not to cut so drastically. Some hope this will only be a temporary decline, with official aid picking up again in a few years, when the political landscape has changed. While trying to find alternative sources of funding to at least partially compensate the drastic losses in income, many have to let go of large numbers of staff, and several have already closed down. The international aid sector is deeply disrupted. We start hearing views that this must be the opportunity to drastically change a system that has long been criticised for its significant flaws. This brief supports the argument that radical change is needed. But it goes deeper in its analysis and imagining of the nature of that change. First, the analysis of what is happening needs improvement: The cuts in official aid budgets go together with a sustained disregard for international norms and with an increasingly frontal attack on the primary multilateral institution tasked with promoting and defending them, the United Nations -by several of the countries behind its creation at the end of WWII. Simultaneously, we are also seeing a clear attack on the freedom of speech, academic independence, civic activism and the right to protest in the US, a trend that was however already noticeable in several European countries, not just in Hungary, but also in others that claim to be functioning ‘democracies’. This brief therefore argues that Aid-funded agencies cannot only focus on ‘downsizing’ and ‘re-prioritising’ projects and programmes, while searching for alternative sources of funding. The decline in multilateral cooperation will impact aid agencies, and all of us, much more profoundly than the aid budget cuts. A new ‘age of empires’ is emerging, where ‘might is right’. The aid sector cannot, as it has mostly done the past 30 years, ignore the national, regional and international political economies that create and maintain poverty, marginalisation, disease, ‘underdevelopment’, wars, forced displacement, and humanitarian suffering. INGOs in Western countries in particular need to engage much more with the poverty, marginalisation, climate crisis impacts, but also social and political polarisation in their home societies, and the economic policies of their own governments. There is a need for a fundamental rethink of purpose, position and role, in light of what this ‘new’ world now needs. That must start with a critical self-examination, in each agency. about how it has been working for the past 20-25 years, individually but also as part of a wider ‘sector’. We must let go of mindsets and ways of working that are not that different from what is causing today’s crises. Only then can we consider, with fresh eyes, how we best contribute to what the world now needs. The Annex offers some initial areas for such critical self-reflection.
Changes in the US Policies and their Impact on Women’s Rights and Women Organizations in Jordan
President Trump’s administration’s decision to globally freeze US foreign development assistance for 90 days, pending reassessment, and to halt all initiatives related to diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) sent shockwaves through the humanitarian and development sectors worldwide. In Jordan -home to one of the largest refugee populations and heavily reliant on foreign aid to support critical sectors like infrastructure, health, and education- this decision is deeply concerning for stakeholders and observers alike. To discuss the impact of the DEI program’s cancellation and the funding freeze, Arab Renaissance for Democracy and Development (ARDD), JONAF, and the Al-Nahda Women Network organized a roundtable on February 23, 2025, to examine these policy shifts and their consequences for women’s rights and women’s organizations in Jordan. The present document summarizes the discussions and includes the recommendations made by participants. Participants at the roundtable emphasized the need for both immediate and long-term strategies to mitigate the crisis and preserve the progress made in gender and social justice. They called for immediate action to coordinate a mitigation plan, reconsidering the framework for foreign aid assistance in Jordan, building a resilient civil society capable of absorbing shocks, engaging in dialogue on the sustainability of Jordanian civil society, and enhancing government engagement with civil society.
Global Impacts of Shifting US Gender Policies
President Trump administration’s rollback of gender-focused policies and foreign aid cuts—totaling over $8 billion—poses significant challenges for civil society organizations advancing gender equality, reproductive rights, and Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) initiatives. The defunding of these programs deprioritizes gender-inclusive security policies and weakens peacebuilding networks, disproportionately impacting grassroots movements in the Global South. As U.S. foreign policy shifts toward militarization and conservative gender frameworks, civil society must take a proactive stance, moving beyond reliance on Western aid structures. Strengthening South-South cooperation—through regional partnerships, alternative funding models, and cross-border feminist alliances—will be critical in sustaining gender justice efforts. Advocacy groups must mobilize to counter restrictive policies and assert localized development priorities. The international community, particularly multilateral institutions like the EU and the U.N., must step in to bridge funding gaps and reinforce gender-focused programs. This moment demands a fundamental reimagining of civil society’s role—not as passive recipients of aid, but as active agents reclaiming autonomy, shaping policy, and driving sustainable, community-led solutions for gender justice.
The Role of Monitoring and Advocacy in Ending the Retention of Personal Identification Documents by Jordanian Hospitals – Legal Analysis Series Volume 3
Since 2020, the Arab Renaissance for Democracy and Development (ARDD) has monitored the illegal practice of retaining personal identification documents by Jordanian hospitals as collateral for unpaid medical fees. This practice disproportionately has impacted refugees and low-income Jordanians, denying them access to essential services such as healthcare, education, and employment. Through extensive fieldwork, ARDD documented over 565 cases across northern, central, and southern Jordan, revealing violations of national and international laws protecting individuals’ identity and healthcare. ARDD’ advocacy efforts culminated in a landmark achievement with the issuance of Circular No. 748 by the Ministry of Health in January 2022. The circular prohibits hospitals from withholding identification documents and provides clear legal mechanisms for addressing financial claims, such as payment installments. This milestone reflects effective collaboration between civil society and governmental institutions, ensuring protection for Jordanian and non-Jordanian patients while reinforcing the rule of law. ARDD continued monitoring compliance with the circular and advocated for its adoption. These efforts culminated once again in another achievement, represented by the issuing a subsequent circular from the Ministry of Health No. (6781/of 2024) dated August 12, 2024, confirming the first circular and emphasizing adherence to what was stated therein. This report serves as a continuation of the initial publication released in 2022, which documented the challenges and outlined recommended efforts. While the first report concluded with a call for active monitoring and advocacy to safeguard patients’ rights, this follow-up report details the actions and progress achieved since then. Together, these two documents provide a comprehensive understanding of the challenges faced and the successes realized in addressing them.
ANATOMY OF POWER:INTERNATIONAL AID AGENCIES & NATIONAL CRISIS RESPONDERS – PAPER (4)
International aid agencies, particularly those involved in crisis-response who handle larger budgets, have power over national crisis responders. The primary source of that power is money. It is not just the money that is currently available for a particular crisis response, but many years of good resourcing that has allowed international organisations to attract and retain expertise and invest in organisational systems and practices. Power is useful in its form of ‘power to’: the ability to do something and put the necessary resources behind it. With that power also comes the responsibility to demonstrate good stewardship of the resources with which we have been entrusted. But power can become attractive for its potential to influence and use others to do what you want them to do: ‘power over’. This paper is written mostly for international aid agencies, although the question of responsible use and/or abuse of power also applies to and between national and local agencies. It offers a set of questions for honest reflection – and action to correct identified abuses of power.
MULTI-STAKEHOLDER STEERING- AND GOVERNANCE GROUPS: RENDER FUNDEMENTAL EXPECTATIONS OF BEHAVIOUR EXPLICCIT – PAPER (3)
Over the years, I have observed multi-stakeholder ‘steering committees’ or ‘governance’ groups. These refer to, for example, the steering committee of a network of member organizations, the steering group of a particular collaborative project or program, or the governing council of an organizational entity that includes members from other organizations that have an interest in it. The functioning of such groups can be more or less formalized. They are ‘multi-stakeholders’ because the members of that group are not there as independent individuals with no other connection to the network, program, or organizational entity, but because they come from an (other) organization with its self-centered interest in what is being steered. In other words, there always is a risk of ‘conflict of interest’. An important characteristic of a multi-stakeholder group is that not one person or organization has formal authority over the others. Those different organizations that members of the multi-stakeholder group belong to, are independent. Not even the chair can simply ‘impose’ her or his will, or that of the ‘majority’. Koenraad Van Brabant, co-director GMI
Building Resilience: Strengthening CBOs for Social Cohesion in Southern Jordan
This Policy Brief is informed by an in-depth analysis led by the Al-Nahda Women’s Studies Team at ARDD, examining the role of women-led and youth-led community-based organizations (CBOs) in fostering social cohesion in Southern Jordan. The research, conducted from November 2023 to January 2024, explores how these CBOs and other stakeholders, advance social cohesion initiatives while navigating significant challenges. Despite their efforts, obstacles remain, highlighting the need for strategies that empower these organizations to maximize their impact. Therefore, this brief underscores the pivotal role women-led and youth-led CBOs play in overcoming these challenges and leveraging opportunities to enhance their effectiveness within the communities they serve. Drawing on insights from the research, this document seeks to inform policies and practices for the sustainable implementation of social cohesion initiatives, aligning with Jordan’s National Action Plan II (JONAP II) and United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325). By highlighting the importance of CBOs and offering targeted recommendations, this policy brief aims to contribute to catalyzing efforts toward building a more cohesive and resilient society in Southern Jordan.
Donors & Intermediaries: Critical Self-Awareness and a Conversation Guide
Collaborative Efforts towards Collective Impact Series – Paper (2)
This is our second briefing and reflection paper on intermediaries. It contributes to an ongoing critical reflection in the aid sector.The behaviours of notably international aid agencies, acting as ‘intermediaries’ for the funding to local and national actors (LNA), have come under scrutiny, given the international commitments to better support and reinforce national and local actors. Several INGOs have also been developing their ‘localisation’, ‘partnering’ and at times ‘anti-racism’ and ‘decolonisation’ policies. The first paper ‘Intermediary Organisations under the Spotlight. Why?’ looks at what we mean with ‘intermediary’ and why ‘back-donors’ or ‘funding partners’ use them. Most organisations playing an intermediation role with aid money are international, but there can very well be, and are, also national ones. That paper unpacked how intermediaries can add value but can also abuse their power over national and local actors they sub-grant to. It also stated that intermediary organisations make choices about how they handle their ‘intermediation’ position: Do they see themselves as merely an executive instruments of the donor’s plans, putting pressure on the LNA to fall in line with those? Do they see themselves as primarily a supporter of LNA, pushing back at the funder’s unhelpful demands? Do they see themselves as brokers who try to manage, if not resolve, tensions and discrepancies between the donor’s ideas and requirements and the LNA’s ideas and capabilities? Do they want to maintain the intermediation role, because it is a valid business model and offers quite some power and resources?
Intermediary Organizations under the Spotlight: Why?
The Collaborative Efforts towards Collective Impact Series -Paper (1)
In 2016, at the World Humanitarian Summit, all the big players in the international humanitarian aid system, committed to ‘better support and reinforce national and local actors’. Since then, the roles and behaviors of notably international aid agencies, acting as ‘intermediaries’ for the funding to national and local actors, have come under closer review. This briefing paper looks at what we mean by ‘intermediary’ and why ‘back-donors’ use them. It unpacks how intermediaries can add value but can also abuse their power over national and local actors they sub-grant to. Abusive behavior can come from specific individuals, but unjust practices can be more structurally embedded in how an organization sees its intermediation role, and its wider organizational culture and self-image. Organizations playing intermediary roles now can and must reflect self-critically about how they choose to play that role. The next briefing paper will offer practical guidance for the conversations back-donors can and must have with those they fund in intermediary roles.