The Story of the Sudanese Camel Corps in Ain Shams
Dr. Ayman Zahry Population and Migration Studies Expert, Member of the Migration and Refugee Forum for the Arab World (MARFA) When we contemplate the map of Cairo’s informal and working-class neighborhoods, the dominant explanation tends to attribute their emergence to poverty, rural-to-urban migration, or demographic pressure. Yet some neighborhoods cannot be understood through such simplification. They were not born solely from the social margins, but from another, less visible margin: the state’s own functional margins. Among the most striking of these cases is the story of the Sudanese Camel Corps soldiers who settled in Ain Shams, one of the most telling narratives of the complex relationship between the military institution, migration, and urban settlement. The Camel Corps were semi-regular military unit that relied on riding camels. They were tasked with securing borders, guarding desert roads, and maintaining security in remote areas. Sudanese soldiers formed the backbone of these forces, drawing on their environmental knowledge, their ability to adapt to desert conditions, and a long history of Sudanese involvement in the Egyptian army. During the early decades of the twentieth century, these units were an essential part of the state’s tools for extending its influence beyond cities, at a time when the civilian bureaucracy had not yet fully matured. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Ain Shams was not the densely populated residential district we know today. Rather, it was a peripheral, semi-desert area on the edge of Cairo. This location made it suitable for establishing military camps: far from residential clusters, yet close to desert movement routes. There, the state set up camps for the Camel Corps as a temporary functional deployment—not as a permanent urban development project. But the city, by its nature, does not always abide by what is temporary. The paradox begins with the end of military service. Between the 1920s and 1930s, the importance of Camel Corps units declined as border-control patterns changed and transportation developed. The missions of some camps ended, without any clear policies accompanying this shift to return soldiers to their original homelands. Many Sudanese soldiers found themselves in an ambiguous position: no longer active soldiers, not returning home, and with no official mechanism to integrate or resettle them. At this moment, the silent transformation began: the camp became a home, temporary residence became permanent, and the soldier became a civilian worker, without announcement or administrative decision. Over the following decades of the twentieth century, some of the Camel Corps men married Egyptian women or Sudanese women residing in Cairo. Networks of kinship and work emerged, and the residential areas around the former camps expanded. Gradually, an informal residential cluster took shape, popularly known as “Al-Haggana” (the Camel Corps). This neighborhood did not arise from an urban plan, nor was it officially recognized in its early stages, but it became rooted in the land through human accumulation and endured out of necessity. The neighborhood, especially in its early stages, retained certain Sudanese cultural features: in physical appearance, in some social customs, in music and celebrations, and in a hybrid dialect combining Sudanese and Egyptian speech. Yet this distinctiveness did not become institutional recognition; it remained present as a form of “difference” within the margins. The residents were not viewed as a group with a specific history, but rather as part of the informal settlements—stripped of their social and military context. The story of the Camel Corps in Ain Shams reveals a truth often overlooked in public debate: the state is not always a victim of informal settlements; it may also be one of their makers. When the state uses a human force for a long period and then abandons it without a post-service vision, it leaves a vacuum that can only be filled by informal settlement. In this case, the neighborhood is not the result of rebellion against the state, but a direct outcome of its neglect. This story illustrates a different trajectory of migration and settlement. The Camel Corps did not come to Cairo in search of work; they arrived through the military institution. Soldiering here is not merely a job, but a channel of resettlement, even if it was not designed that way. This pattern differs from traditional rural-to-urban migration: it began with a clear legal status, continued through long-term residence, and ended in an ambiguous legal and social condition. This story matters today because many discussions about popular neighborhoods treat them only as a present-day problem, detached from their roots. Yet the case of the Camel Corps shows that some neighborhoods are living archives of old decisions, and that understanding today’s urban reality requires returning to the state’s own social history. Place is not merely a built form, but an accumulation of policies, functions, and lives whose official roles ended while their human traces remained. The story of the Sudanese Camel Corps in Ain Shams is not merely the story of a neighborhood. It is a reminder that a city is not built only by maps and decisions, but also by soldiers whose service ended while their lives did not, and by a state that knew how to use them, but did not know how to reintegrate them. Perhaps this short article will inspire a graduate student in sociology, anthropology, history, political science, or even urban planning to conduct a deeper study of this important subject, one that has not received sufficient attention from rigorous academic research.
The Evolution of Inclusive Education in Jordan’s Digital Age
By Abigail Harper, Intern at RSC The theme for this year’s International Day of Education, celebrated annually on 24 January, is “The Power of Youth in Co-creating Education.” As the global community strives to achieve UN Sustainable Development Goal 4 – to “ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all” – young people under 30 now make up more than half of the world’s population. As the main beneficiaries of education systems and the majority of the global population, young people must be meaningfully involved in shaping the future of education. This is especially key at a time when global systems and technology evolve at an ever-increasing rate. The theme of last year’s International Day of Education was “Artificial Intelligence and Education: Human Agency in an Automated World.” A year on, the international community continues to witness rapid technological change, raising urgent questions about the purpose, accessibility, and quality of teaching and learning. AI and other emerging technologies offer unmissable opportunities to strengthen education systems. However, they must be introduced thoughtfully, with strong safeguards and clear regulations, to ensure they support learning rather than undermine it. In Jordan, recent investments in education signal growing momentum towards digital transformation. The Jordanian Digital Transformation Strategy and Implementation Plan 2026–2028 outlines the government’s plans to enhance education programmes to equip future generations with the skills needed to excel in the digital age. At the same time, Jordan’s education system continues to face significant challenges. These include high dropout rates linked to socioeconomic pressures, outdated teaching methodologies, and limited infrastructure. Rapid urban growth and the influx of a large refugee population have placed additional strain on already stretched resources. These challenges disproportionately affect girls and displaced children, who often face further barriers such as early marriage, violence, and insecurity. When used responsibly, AI could help ease some of these pressures. In December 2025, Arab Renaissance for Democracy and Development (ARDD) launched “Investing in the Future: Building Sustainable, AI-Enabled Learning Systems in the Jordanian Education Sector.” Built on a comprehensive feasibility study conducted with students, teachers, parents, and the Ministry of Education, the initiative aims to support sustainable, inclusive, and context-responsive AI integration within Jordan’s education system. Zainab Alkhalil, ARDD’s program manager, asserts that “Investing in AI-enabled education is, at its core, an investment in people. When young women and men are empowered to engage critically with technology, they become active co-creators of inclusive, equitable, and future-ready education systems.” Beyond AI-specific initiatives, ARDD continues to invest in youth-led, inclusive education programmes. These projects encourage young people to build up their skill set, equipping them to enter an increasing complex digital labour market. The “Nidaa for Change” Initiative was launched in December 2025 to promote inclusive education for young women. The project aims to support an inclusive, equitable, and accessible educational system in the governorates of Amman and Mafraq, by bringing together students and teachers at one table to discuss on-the-ground challenges and propose participatory solutions that enhance the quality of education in both governorates. It encourages girls to act as a driving force for change, to become advocates and inspiring leaders who can help create a more inclusive educational future for all. Similarly, a 2024 research project explored the role of Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) for young people in Jordan. TVET programmes equip Jordanians and refugees with practical and personal skills that support labour-market integration and self-reliance. For refugees in particular, access to TVET reduces vulnerability to exploitation by opening pathways to economic independence. The research underscores the importance of investing in high-quality TVET systems that benefit both refugees and host communities – strengthening the workforce and contributing to sustainable economic growth. In all of these youth-led initiatives AI plays an increasingly important role, as it filters through to every aspect of day-to-day living. However, the introduction of AI is not without risks. UNESCO warns that rapid technological developments have outpaced policy debates and regulatory frameworks. This is the case, not only for AI in education, but for every area of life in which technology plays an increasingly important role. A recent case study by ARDD examined how Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence (TFGBV) functions as a mechanism of democratic exclusion, further marginalising women by pushing them out of public online spaces. This report demonstrates how widespread digital access can cause harm, rather than bring benefit, to already vulnerable individuals. Gender bias in AI is therefore a serious concern. When LLMs replicate existing stereotypes, they risk reinforcing discrimination against women and girls. “AI systems, learning from data filled with stereotypes, often reflect and reinforce gender biases,” says Zinnya del Villar, the Director of Data, Technology, and Innovation at Data-Pop Alliance. “These biases can limit opportunities and diversity, especially in areas like decision-making, hiring, loan approvals, and legal judgments.” Many Large Language Models (LLMs) also reflect extensive Western bias. Historically, AI research and innovation have been concentrated in Western countries, leading to the dominance of English-language datasets, academic publications, and technological frameworks. Consequently, many AI systems fail to reflect the diversity of global cultures and lived experiences which exist across the world. This can reinforce harmful assumptions and deepen pre-existing systemic inequalities. For example, an AI tool may accurately recognise Western cultural references but struggle to respond meaningfully to questions rooted in local traditions or non-Western contexts, reflecting the system’s lack of global cultural awareness. This challenge extends beyond culture to linguistic access. Languages are deeply tied to cultural memory, identity, and community, yet AI systems often fail to reflect this diversity. Most AI tools, including virtual assistants and LLM chatbots, operate in a limited number of widely spoken languages. Regional dialects and minority languages are often ignored, limiting access and further excluding already marginalised communities. Clearly, without a clear ethical foundation, AI risks deepening existing inequalities in many ways. As such, AI in education must first and foremost be guided by the principles of inclusion, equity, and human agency. Addressing these challenges requires both systemic and human-centred solutions.
Education Under Fire: Hope and Resilience in Gaza on the International Day of Education 2026
By Abigail Harper, RSC Intern “Education for all” is a commitment the global community renews every year on 24 January – the International Day of Education. Established by the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 73/25 in 2018, the day emphasises the central role of education in achieving equality, resilience, and long-term well-being, particularly for communities suffering from displacement, violence, and instability. By marking the day, the UN seeks to raise awareness and encourage global action and investment to ensure inclusive, equitable, and quality education for all. Observed annually, this day underscores that access to education is not merely a policy objective but a fundamental human right and a cornerstone for building inclusive societies. This year, the International Day of Education coincides with global efforts to rebuild education infrastructure in Gaza, where 408 000 school-aged children (62% of the total population) have been unable to access any form of learning in the past two years. What little education is on offer for the remaining 250 000 has been provided by Temporary Learning Spaces, including those managed by UNRWA, as well as the UNRWA Remote Learning Programme. The official beginning of the school year in the Occupied Palestinian Territory in September marked the beginning of the third consecutive school year in which some 658 000 children in Gaza will be deprived of their right to a complete education. The impact of this deprivation cannot be overstated. A recent international study by the University of Cambridge, in partnership with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees, has warned of the risk of a “lost generation” of children in Gaza. The study, released in early 2026, highlights the real scale of the education crisis in the conflict zone. As of 1 October 2025, OCHA had reported the deaths of 18 069 students and 780 education workers, as well as injuries to 26 391 students and 3 211 teachers. Moreover, approximately 92% of all schools in Gaza require complete physical reconstruction as a result of damage from airstrikes. The two years of conflict in the Occupied Palestinian Territory have had serious educational, physical, and psychological effects on students and teachers, such that even during a ceasefire, reopening schools is not straightforward. In September, at the start of the school year, the UNRWA Commissioner General stated: “Today, instead of going back to school, like most children around the world, around 660 000 girls and boys in Gaza will be sifting through the rubble, desperate, hungry, traumatized, and mostly bereaved. The longer they stay out of school with their trauma, the higher the risk they become a lost generation, sowing the seeds for more hatred and violence.” Lack of infrastructure is not the only barrier to education. Other factors that limit access include the fear that causes thousands of teachers to abandon their posts, or prevents parents from sending their children to school out of fear of the physical danger their children face, both when travelling and while in the classroom. Despite the dangers, many families persist in sending their children to schools, aware that education is the key to unlocking their future. This is the case in Gaza’s “yellow zone”, where families have been forced to create makeshift “tent schools” in dangerous proximity to Israeli forces, which are often exposed to gunfire, forcing the children to interrupt their learning to lie on the ground until the shooting stops. “The destructive impact of conflict is being felt by children right across the region,” said Peter Salama, Regional Director for UNICEF in the Middle East and North Africa. “It’s not just the physical damage being done to schools, but the despair felt by a generation of schoolchildren who see their hopes and futures shattered.” It is important to note that the destruction of education infrastructure is not a side-effect of the conflict. Scholasticide– the systematic and deliberate annihilation of the education system in a region – is part of a long-term plan to erase Palestinian knowledge, culture, and people’s capacity to rebuild both physically and intellectually. UN experts expressed concerns about the pattern of attacks on schools, universities, teachers, and students in April 2024, calling for parties to comply with the measures ordered by the ICJ in January. Despite this, over a year and a half later, the international community has done little to prevent Israeli forces from targeting educational facilities in an attempt to hobble the cultural and intellectual development of a generation of Gazans. As recently as 6 January, eleven Palestinian students were injured when Israeli forces raided the campus of Birzeit University north of Ramallah, firing live ammunition and tear gas. Nonetheless, amid the gloom, there is some cause for hope. Flagship initiatives such as the Better Learning Programme, funded by Education Cannot Wait, are bringing together teachers, caregivers, and counsellors to create safe, supportive learning environments that can help children to cope. Combining basic education – including Arabic and mathematics – with therapeutic tools like breathing techniques, storytelling, and guided drawing helps children to process trauma and stress, restore a sense of normalcy, and nurture hope. During the ceasefire at the start of 2025, schools reopened with remarkable speed. In September, despite overwhelming challenges, 28 200 students in Gaza sat their Tawjihi exams for high school graduates online. Achieving this milestone, which one teacher described as “a miracle”, is a testament to the extraordinary resilience of young Palestinians. There is also positive news in the realm of higher education. At the end of December, a graduation ceremony was held for 170 newly qualified doctors in the remains of Al Shifa Hospital in Gaza City. Despite the extensive damage – most of the hospital’s buildings and equipment destroyed or rendered inoperative by Israel’s attacks during the genocide – friends and families gathered to celebrate the achievement – the Palestinian Board Certification, the highest medical specialty credential in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. These successes are evidence that hope persists in Gaza. Yet three key challenges continue to block students’ access to education:
Realizing the Palestinian Right of Return in a Time of Genocide and Dispersal
Introduction This analysis article examines the Palestinian right of return not simply as a legal clause in international instruments, but as a central pillar of a long anti-colonial struggle over land, belonging, and political imagination. It argues that the right of return is best understood as a justice claim grounded in Indigenous attachment to place, in collective memory, and in decolonial visions of the future, rather than as a technocratic “final status issue” to be deferred to the end of negotiations. The argument proceeds from three related observations. First, when one centers Palestinian and Arab scholarship and political practice, the right of return emerges not as a residual humanitarian demand, but as a constitutive element of any just post-colonial order in Palestine. Authors such as Salman Abu Sitta, Nur Masalha, Rosemary Sayigh, Karma Nabulsi, and Leila Farsakh have insisted that return is inalienable, collective as well as individual, and structurally tied to questions of sovereignty, citizenship, and restitution (Abu Sitta 1997; 2005; 2016; Masalha 1992; Sayigh 1979; Nabulsi 2006; Farsakh 2021). Second, the current conjuncture, marked by an even more brutal phase of genocide in the Gaza Strip and colonial violence in the West Bank with coordinated repression on Palestinians in 48 as well as control arrests and threat of deportation for many Palestinians in the different geographies of the shataat (diaspora), must be read as part of a longer settler-colonial project aimed at erasing Palestinians from their land and making return materially, institutionally and imaginatively impossible. More than 90 per cent of Gaza’s population has been displaced at least once since October 2023; approximately 92 per cent of homes and other structures have been damaged or destroyed (OCHA 2024–25; UNRWA 2024–25). These are not isolated humanitarian crises but structural assaults on the population that holds the right of return. Third, contemporary schemes of coerced emigration, including recent charter flights transporting Palestinians from Gaza to South Africa and other third countries under opaque and monetized arrangements, represent a new modality of forced displacement. Investigations by South African authorities and international media indicate that these flights—organized by a shadowy entity known as Al-Majd Europe—require Palestinians to pay substantial sums to leave Gaza, and may form part of broader efforts to “empty” the Strip under humanitarian cover (Le Monde 2025; Al Jazeera 2025; Anadolu Agency 2025; Financial Times 2025). Such schemes directly target the bearers of the right of return. At the same time, the institutional infrastructure of Palestinian refugeehood—UNRWA—is under escalating attack. Funding suspensions, Israeli legislation banning UNRWA in all of historic Palestine, and forced evictions from premises in occupied East Jerusalem are widely interpreted by Palestinian and regional organizations as attempts to erase refugeehood as a recognized legal category (ARDD 2024; BADIL 2025). The question this article seeks to address is therefore not simply whether the Palestinian right of return exists in international law—a point extensively analyzed elsewhere (Albanese and Takkenberg 2020)—but how we might think about its realization now, at a moment when Palestinians are being killed, displaced and dispersed on a massive scale and when the institutional frameworks that have historically recognized and supported refugeehood are under sustained attack. The first section reconstructs how the right of return has been conceptualized in Palestinian and Arab thought as an anti-colonial principle. The second reads the Gaza genocide and new forms of coerced migration as contemporary expressions of a long-standing project of elimination. The third examines the war on UNRWA as a struggle over the infrastructure of refugeehood itself. The fourth reflects on the ambivalent role of international law, which functions both as a resource and as a constraint. The final section sketches some elements of what “realizing the right of return” might mean in practice, beyond a single diplomatic event. Throughout, the article adopts a justice-based and decolonial lens, treating international law as one repertoire among others rather than the sole or ultimate arbiter of legitimacy. 1. The Right of Return as an Anti-Colonial Principle Palestinian and Arab scholarship approaches the right of return first and foremost through the experience of expulsion and enduring attachment to land, not through abstract readings of treaty texts. 1.1 Analytical approaches: the settler colonial project and the political and material significance of return Salman Abu Sitta’s work is paradigmatic in this respect. Over several decades, he has reconstructed the geography of the Nakba, mapping more than 500 depopulated villages and towns, documenting their lands and analyzing their present-day uses. On this basis he argues that the Palestinian right of return is “sacred, legal and possible”: sacred, because it inheres in an Indigenous relationship between a people and their land; legal, because it is grounded in multiple strands of international law; and possible, because the spatial distribution of current populations in historic Palestine allows for large-scale return without reproducing mass expulsion of others (Abu Sitta 1997; 2005; 2016). In his reading, the common assertion that return is “demographically impossible” is less an empirical statement than an ideological one: what is at stake is not physical capacity but the refusal to relinquish a project of demographic engineering characteristic of settler colonialism. Nur Masalha’s work brings this colonial structure into focus. In Expulsion of the Palestinians (1992), he traces the idea of “transfer”—that is, the removal of the Indigenous population from Palestine—as a persistent theme in Zionist political thought and planning from the late nineteenth century onwards. On this view, the expulsions of 1948 are not accidental by-products of war but the implementation of a long-standing blueprint. Post-1948, policies of denial—to refuse the term “Nakba”, to deny responsibility, to insist that the refugees are an external humanitarian problem—function to stabilize the new demographic order. The right of return appears, in this light, as a direct refusal of transfer: an insistence that those who were meant to be eliminated or rendered permanently external remain the land’s rightful inhabitants. If Abu Sitta and Masalha foreground land and planning, Rosemary Sayigh’s classic oral histories focus on the subjective experience of exile. Working in the camps of Lebanon and
Gazan Women’s Mental Health in the Shadow of a Genocide
By Nermin Walid Hussein As we reflect on World Mental Health Day, observed globally on October 10, it is crucial to recognize its significance for those suffering in conflict zones. In fact, wars inflict wounds that go far beyond physical injuries, leaving enduring scars on mental health that can last a lifetime. Since the outbreak of the war on Gaza in 2023, over 67,000 Palestinians have been killed, with women and children constituting 70% of the victims. At least 20,000 children are among the dead, with one child killed every hour for the past 24 months. However, the true number is unknown, and it is likely to be much higher, because the official death data do not include those who perished under rubble or are missing. Nevertheless, the emotional and psychological toll of this conflict extends far beyond physical injuries, manifesting in a mental health crisis of alarming proportions, compounded by the widespread and unprecedented destruction of houses, infrastructures, collapse of services, loss of food and water resources. Gazan women bear a disproportionate burden. Their mental health has been severely impacted, and studies show that over the 75% of them suffers from chronic anxiety and depression. They often report feeling scared and exhausted, with limited access to mental health support, coping with psychological distress alone and in isolation. Women’s sense of stability has been further eroded by displacement and overcrowded shelters. The lack of privacy, basic necessities, and safety in these conditions has contributed to their heightened emotional distress. Additionally, their caregiving responsibilities have increased. They report sacrificing their own health to care for their families and often they are the primary or sole caregivers for their children. Hunger, coupled with the inability to provide food for their loved ones, creates an emotional burden that is difficult to bear. Moreover, the constant exposure to violence and loss has exacerbated their trauma, categorized as Complex Continuous Traumatic Stress (CCTS) due to the chronic, unrelenting nature of it. The war has also severely disrupted access to essential reproductive healthcare services. The simplest necessities like menstrual hygiene products, are no longer readily available, highlighting the catastrophic nature of the humanitarian situation. Women often resort to makeshift solutions and face severe infections due to lack of hygiene or simply lack of clean water. With more than the 85% of healthcare facilities destroyed, women have been also forced to giving birth in overcrowded shelters, often lacking proper medical care. Many have been discharged just hours after delivery, leading to serious complications. Reports indicate significant increase in miscarriages (about the 300%) linked to trauma and inadequate care, and birth losses driven by stress, malnutrition, lack of medical assistance and essential medical supplies. The inability to access fundamental health rights not only challenges individual wellbeing but threatens the rights of an entire population. The systematic targeting of reproductive autonomy as well as the denial of essential reproductive healthcare can be classified as reproductive violence under international law. From the bombing of maternity hospitals and fertility clinics to the forced births in tents and surgeries without anesthesia, reproductive violence is being used as a weapon of domination and erasure and the International Criminal Court (ICC) should recognize and prosecute these acts as forms of persecution. Despite these overwhelming obstacles, women in Gaza display incredible resilience, supporting their families and communities through a combination of social and community-based strategies, like relying on strong family and community networks, engaging in religious and spiritual practices, even in the direst circumstances. Reports from the ground reveal adaptive coping methods, including stories of mothers organizing educational activities for their children or working within community networks to provide mental health support. Some women also use formal methods like peer support groups, professional psychosocial support, and culturally adapted interventions, creating safe spaces for healing anxiety and fears. This resilience is a testament to their strength and the critical role they play in rebuilding society. In this way they literally embody the Palestinian ethos of sumud (steadfastness) and contribute to rebuild a sense of normalcy amidst chaos. As we are marking the 25th Anniversary of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security to uplift the voices and leadership of Arab women in peace-building efforts, we must recognize that sustainable peace cannot be achieved without addressing the unique challenges faced by women in conflict zones. Gazan women have demonstrated remarkable strength in the face of adversity, often stepping into leadership roles within their communities. In light of the recent political steps towards peace in Gaza, we must uplift and support Gazan women’s voice. Promoting the rights of Gazan women goes beyond mere advocacy; it involves actively creating spaces where their voices are heard and respected, giving them opportunities to recover. This means investing in mental health resources that are accessible and culturally sensitive, empowering women to seek the support they need to heal and thrive. When women’s mental health is prioritized, they are better equipped to support their families and communities, laying the groundwork for a more peaceful and just society.
Reclaiming the Future: Women, Peace, and Justice in the Arab World
ARDD Launches Campaign Marking the 25th Anniversary of UNSCR 1325 and the 16 Days of Activism: Reaffirming Women’s Leadership in Peace, Justice, and Dialogue Amman — 6th October 2025 — The Arab Renaissance for Democracy and Development (ARDD) marks the anniversary of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security during the global 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence with a renewed call to action: to uphold the rights, leadership, and voices of Arab women in building peace and advancing justice across the region. Adopted twenty-five years ago, Resolution 1325 remains one of the most visionary commitments of the international community — recognizing that peace cannot be achieved or sustained without women’s participation. Yet today, as wars and displacement continue to devastate communities, the region faces another challenge: the normalization of militarization as trade. ARDD warns against turning conflict into a marketplace — where the exchange of weapons replaces the exchange of ideas, and where militarization undermines the very foundations of peace. The organization calls on all stakeholders to end militarization as a trade practice, and to open genuine channels of dialogue, reconciliation, and cooperation that prioritize human dignity over political or economic gain. To commemorate this milestone and in alignment with the 16 Days of Activism, ARDD is launching the regional campaign “Reclaiming the Future: Women, Peace, and Justice in the Arab World.” This campaign highlights the struggles and achievements of women in conflict and post-conflict contexts, reaffirming ARDD’s unwavering commitment to ensuring that women lead the conversations on peace, justice, and recovery. “UNSCR 1325 is not just a resolution; it is a moral compass reminding us that no nation can build peace through militarization or exclusion,” said Samar Muhareb, ARDD’s Chief Executive Director. “We call on the world to stand with Arab women — from Gaza to Sudan, Syria, and Yemen — who continue to hold the line for peace, justice, and humanity. Their courage lights the path toward a region built on dialogue, solidarity, and shared security.” She added, “We must also invest in women’s economic, political, and social empowerment as an integral part of regional stability — because women’s leadership is not only a moral imperative, but a strategic necessity for a just and sustainable peace.” Campaign Goals Through this campaign, ARDD calls on governments, international partners, and civil society to: Strengthen women’s meaningful participation and leadership in peace negotiations, transitional justice, and reconstruction processes; End the militarization of economies and prioritize dialogue, diplomacy, and social investment; Ensure accountability for violations against women and girls in conflict zones; and Invest in women’s economic, political, and civic empowerment as a foundation for sustainable peace. ARDD’s campaign is both a celebration and a call to action — a reminder that peace is not born from power but from participation, and that the future of the region depends on dismantling systems of violence and restoring spaces for women’s voices to shape a just and lasting peace. Campaign Highlights and Events As part of the campaign, ARDD, through its programs and Renaissance Strategic Center, and in collaboration with its partners and networks, will organize and feature a diverse set of activities across research, dialogue, and advocacy, including: Seminar: “Redefining Peace and Liberation: Palestinian Women and Global Feminism” — 6 October 2025, presented by Dr. Mariam Abu Samra, Senior Researcher and Coordinator, Renaissance Strategic Center – ARDD. Dialogue Session: “Ordinary Choices, Extraordinary Impact: Women in Finance and Leadership” — 7 October 2025, held at ARDD Premises – Jabal Amman, featuring H.E. Kholoud Saqqaf, Former Minister of Investment, and Dr. Adli Kandah, Strategic Expert in Economics. Publishing a series of policy briefs and reports focusing on women’s and youth’s political and civic participation, leadership, and peacebuilding roles across the region as part or New Generation GenG, She Leads Project and others Event to launch ARDD_RSC Study on TFGBV in Jordan Legal Awareness Sessions, blogs, analysis articles, and various media products highlighting women’s agency in leadership, peacebuilding, and social transformation across different contexts in the Arab region. 25 Years of WPS: Local Women Leading Crisis Response and Social Cohesion Event and the launch of the Tawasol Project in November Various participation and representations in national and international events during the period of the campaign from 6th October till 10th December 2025. These initiatives aim to inspire solidarity, amplify women’s and youth voices, and foster a culture of inclusive dialogue and shared responsibility for peace and justice. Further events and activities will follow throughout the campaign period, continuing to shed light on women’s leadership in advancing peace, justice, and equality across the Arab region.
Euro-MENA Initiative: Europe Must Match Recognition of Palestine with Action
Recognition risks becoming a distraction if not acted upon. Symbolism cannot replace real measures, because a State on paper is meaningless while its people are being destroyed and its territory continually annexed. The Euro-MENA Initiative (ARDD Europe) warmly welcomes the growing number of European states that have taken the historic step of recognizing the State of Palestine. France, Belgium, Luxembourg, Malta, Andorra, Monaco, and Portugal have now joined Sweden, Ireland, Spain, Norway, and Slovenia in affirming Palestine’s statehood, alongside the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia. With these recognitions, Europe is no longer a bystander: it is becoming a decisive arena in the struggle to translate recognition into justice, accountability, and self-determination for the Palestinian people In welcoming these steps, ARDD Europe also affirms that recognition must be a policy, not a posture: it carries concrete third-state obligations and must be paired with steps that protect civilians, end unlawful practices, contribute to justice and accountability, and uphold international law more generally. Yet here lies the central tension: Europe is moving, but the European Union as a whole is not. While a growing number of states recognize Palestine, others, including Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Hungary, continue to hold back, leaving the Union divided at a decisive moment. This hesitation reflects a broader pattern: the EU as an institution has too often been reactive rather than principled, responding to the genocidal assault on Gaza and the relentless expansion of settlements in the West Bank with late condemnations and short-term humanitarian appeals. Since October 2023, Gaza has been subjected to ethnic cleansing and destruction on a catastrophic scale. The ICJ’s provisional measures in South Africa v. Israel (26 January, 28 March, 24 May 2024) confirmed a plausible risk of genocide and imposed binding obligations on all states. The International Criminal Court’s arrest warrants (November 2024) reinforced the principle that accountability cannot be deferred. European publics, courts, and parliaments have pressed their governments to act. However, like recognition now, these steps will be meaningful only if they are elevated to the EU level, transforming isolated actions into a coherent European policy of justice and accountability. On settlements, despite clear legal rulings by the World’s highest court, the EU has delayed decisive measures. It has failed to adopt a coordinated arms embargo, to enforce a ban on settlement goods and investments, and to give full effect to the ICJ’s advisory opinion of 19 July 2024 and the acceptance thereof by the vast majority of the UN General Assembly in September 2024, which obliges states not to recognize or assist Israel’s unlawful annexation of Palestinian territory and its various other international wrongful acts. The EU has yet to ban settlement trade, suspend the EU–Israel Association Agreement, or halt arms and technology transfers that entrench annexation. This gap between recognition and responsibility undermines Europe’s credibility and weakens the force of its words. For Europe, and the European Union, recognition of Palestine at this moment of the worst genocide of the 21st century is a test of whether states are willing to act in defense of the principles they proclaim: the universality of human rights, the rule of law, and the rejection of impunity. If matched by policy, embargoes, sanctions, and other accountability measures, and genuine support for Palestinian governance, Europe can help shift the balance toward justice. If not, Europe’s role on the world stage made fade into oblivion. The Euro-MENA Initiative for Democracy and Development represents a forward-thinking strategic framework aimed at deepening understanding and fostering cooperation between Europe and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It addresses pressing regional and global challenges in the context of rapid societal and geopolitical transformations. Established in 2024 in Brussels, Belgium, by the Arab Renaissance for Democracy and Development (ARDD), the initiative aspires to build strategic partnerships that drive stability, prosperity, and sustainable development across these interconnected regions.
Unyielding Will: Syrian Refugee Camps’ Students Face Challenges with Success
“I used to study under small lamps when the electricity went out… determination was the strongest weapon for success.” With these words, Muhannad (a pseudonym) from Za’atari Camp summarizes his journey with the General Secondary Education Certificate Examination (Tawjihi), capturing in a single sentence the hope of hundreds of Syrian refugee students who have found in education a final refuge to hold on to the future. Amid these circumstances, hundreds of Syrian students continue their studies with remarkable perseverance. They still succeed in turning challenges into human stories that inspire others and remind us that education is the last window of hope in the face of protracted displacement. Success is achieved through education despite the realities of exile and the pressures of economic hardship. What stands out most about these successes is that each story carries within it a message of hope and resilience—affirming that education is not merely an academic pursuit, but a daily act of resistance against despair. As part of its mission to uphold the right to education as a cornerstone of development and social justice, the Arab Renaissance for Democracy and Development (ARDD) continues to comprehensively monitor the education system in Jordan through the National Alliance for the Future of Education in Jordan (NAFE), which aims to enhance opportunities for quality and inclusive education. This aligns with ARDD’s own Education Strategy, launched to ensure access to quality education and provide lifelong learning opportunities for all as essential pillars for poverty reduction and sustainable social transformation. The organization has also worked to strengthen access to inclusive education through projects such as “Investing in the Future”, “Education for the Future”, and “Enhancing Learning to Improve Life Opportunities for Students in Jordan”, in addition to initiatives like “Empowering Each Other”, “Comprehensive Access of Children to Justice”, and “Our Right”. These initiatives targeted the most marginalized groups, including refugees and children with disabilities. Success Stories from the Camps Behind the percentages and statistics lie human stories filled with determination. Students from Azraq Camp, Za’atari, and Mrajeeb Al-Fhood did not stop at the daily difficulties, but transformed them into motivation for persistence and success. Sidra (a pseudonym) affirmed that the road was not easy. Many days she felt exhausted, but the psychological support from her family and teachers was the biggest motivator to continue. She explained that she did not succeed just for herself, but to prove that a girl in the camp can achieve her dreams no matter the circumstances. Reham (a pseudonym) said that the Tawjihi exam was not just an academic milestone for her, but the beginning of a longer journey. She wanted to serve her community and be part of change, especially for girls who think opportunities are out of reach”. She emphasized that success gave her greater confidence that education is the only way to break the cycle of challenges they face daily. Mahmoud (a pseudonym) reflected that success was not just a personal achievement, but a gift to his family who sacrificed so much for him. He wanted them to feel that all they endured was not in vain. Nizar (a pseudonym) described his persistence by saying he always told himself if I do not build my future myself, no one will. His success was not just personal joy, but a message to anyone who thinks camp life means the end of ambition. On the contrary, it is the beginning from which patience is learned and hope is created. Abdel Jabbar (a pseudonym) explained that he often faced fatigue and exhaustion, but the image of his family waiting for his success kept him going. Success, he said, is a proof that effort never goes to waste, and that a person can change their reality no matter how harsh. “I dream of completing my university studies and contributing to building a better future for my community”, he added. Maram (a pseudonym) used to repeat that circumstances will not determine her future. The path may be full of obstacles, but in every obstacle she sees a new opportunity to stand firm. Multi-Stakeholder Support In this regard, ARDD stresses the importance of strengthening educational and psychological programs inside the camps, providing accurate data in cooperation with the Ministry of Education to facilitate planning, and expanding university scholarship programs that open new horizons for successful students. It also calls for highlighting success stories in the media to inspire other students and promote a culture of determination—affirming that education is not just numbers in gradebooks, but a force capable of rebuilding hope and shaping change. Education: A Renewed Space of Hope The success stories of Tawjihi students in Syrian refugee camps are not just individual tales, but living testimony that education remains an investment in the future and a pillar of human dignity. These students, through their modest means and great determination, have proven that the camp is not the end of a dream, but may be the starting point toward a new hope—paving the way for return to their homeland to participate in its reconstruction, or opening opportunities for dignified living and positive contribution in any society they settle in. Even if success rates seem modest compared to normal conditions, in the camps they represent an extraordinary achievement. While students continue their journey with steady steps, the most important question remains: will the future be wide enough to embrace their ambitions, or will it remain suspended within the limits of the camp? These successes carry within them a message to the international community: investing in refugee education is not limited to building individual skills, but is an investment in long-term peace, development, and stability. Note *Mrajeeb Al-Fhood Camp, also known as the Emirati-Jordanian Camp, was officially closed as of July 1, 2025.
ARDD and Comenius Leadership Group Continue Exchange on Leadership in the Arab Region
On September 17, 2025, the Arab Renaissance for Democracy & Development (ARDD) hosted a seminar for the Comenius Leadership group from the Netherlands, held as part of the Comenius Course on Diversity of Leadership. This seminar built on previous exchanges and collaborations between ARDD and Comenius. The program featured a lecture by Dr. Mariam Abu Samra, Coordinator of the Renaissance Strategic Center (RSC), and a session led by Zina Darwish, Senior Program Development Officer at ARDD. Discussions with participants explored themes such as resilience, governance from decolonial perspectives, and women in leadership, offering space for mutual learning and reflection on leadership in the Arab region.
Season’s Market: Experts Highlight the Importance of Supporting Markets to Strengthen Livelihoods
Popular markets in Jordan are among the most vital economic and social spaces, connecting local communities while generating job opportunities and promoting economic empowerment for diverse groups, including refugees. In the face of mounting economic challenges, investing in and supporting these markets has become critical to advancing sustainable livelihoods and creating inclusive employment opportunities. Against this backdrop, the Arab Renaissance for Democracy and Development (ARDD) organized a panel discussion on Friday, September 12, 2025, at Jara Market – Tajalla Association in Jabal Amman, as part of the Summer Bazaar and the wider Season’s Market initiatives. The discussion, held under the title “Popular Markets in Jordan: Toward a Sustainable Economic Model – Challenges and Opportunities”, brought together experts and researchers concerned with issues of the local economy and social development. The session, which explored the current state, challenges, and opportunities for developing popular markets, is part of an ongoing study by ARDD’s Renaissance Strategic Center. The study aims to strengthen these markets in Jordan and provide practical recommendations to support their role in creating inclusive and sustainable livelihoods for both Jordanians and refugees. The panel featured contributions from researcher and writer Dr. Kamal Mirza and journalist and researcher on poverty, development, and society Dr. Ahmad Abu Khalil, with researcher Khaled Jumaa from the Renaissance Strategic Center moderating the discussion. Dr. Mirza emphasized: “Popular markets are social and cultural spaces that reflect the identity of local communities, while also generating job opportunities and empowering marginalized groups. Supporting them should go beyond infrastructure to include legislation and policies that encourage innovation and sustainability.” Dr. Abu Khalil added: “Popular markets have a long history of social and cultural exchange. They are a mirror of people’s daily experiences and ways of life. Developing these markets requires a deep understanding of vendors’ needs and behaviors, and genuine dialogue between government, the private sector, and civil society to develop sustainable, practical solutions. This is essential to enabling markets to create real livelihood opportunities for local communities, including refugees, and integrate them into the local economy.” Participants in the discussion highlighted the need for a clear definition and criteria for popular markets, whether through official recognition or flexible, community-based frameworks. They stressed that these markets often emerge as grassroots initiatives responding to local needs and should be recognized not only as sources of income but also as cultural and heritage spaces that preserve community identity. The dialogue also underscored the importance of organizing markets through participatory approaches that engage all stakeholders—including the private sector—to ensure sustainability. Speakers emphasized that decision-making about popular markets must strike a balance between the vision of local communities and the perspectives of policymakers. They noted that planning and managing these markets is inherently complex, encompassing not only economic aspects but also social, developmental, security, and integrated urban planning dimensions. Alongside the discussion, the Summer Bazaar—organized under the project “Future Forward: Unlocking Sustainable Local Opportunities”, with support from the EU Regional Development and Protection Programme for Lebanon and Jordan—offered a vibrant platform for entrepreneurs to present their creative ideas to a diverse audience, including local communities, civil society, the private sector, and international organizations. The Bazaar showcased a wide variety of handmade products, ranging from artworks, accessories, clothing, and organic soap to homemade food. It celebrated the creativity of both Jordanians and refugees and featured entertainment activities for children of all ages. Vendors also gained valuable opportunities to network with associations, marketing platforms, and new clients, strengthening the sustainability of their businesses in the local market. The event drew a large audience, with participants who had undergone training to enhance their market access and networking skills expressing their appreciation for such initiatives. As one participant noted: “The Bazaar was a wonderful opportunity to showcase our products, build partnerships, and collaborate with new outlets such as antique and handicraft shops. It boosted our confidence and encouraged us to expand our projects.” Looking ahead, the Season’s Market will continue next winter with a new range bazaars. ARDD and the Jordan National NGO Forum (JONAF) reaffirmed the importance of exploring local livelihood opportunities, supporting startups in Jordan, and promoting sustainable economic initiatives.